& nbsp & nbspKostas Venizelos & nbsp; & nbsp;
With the main focus of the agreement of February 11, 2014, Anastasiadis – Eroglou and the package of MOE and the issue of the decentralized federation are returned, the President of the Republic asks the occupying leader, Ersin Tatar, to enter into a dialogue on the Cyprus issue. In a letter dated May 23, 2022, Nikos Anastasiadis notes that & nbsp; in the letter he refers in detail to the concerns of the Turkish Cypriot side, in order to show that, based on the established parameters of the UN, the convergences and proposals submitted by Greek Cypriot side either in Crans Montana or for MOE, “we can give the solutions and the answers not only to your concerns, but also to the lack of trust due to the events of the past”. He also points out that “we must negotiate in what is possible and realistic and not in what is desirable, but impossible to achieve. And I am talking, of course, about new ideas that are emerging, such as the two-state solution or “sovereign equality”, which not only deviate from the parameters of the UN and the mandate of the Secretary-General, but also fall into the last category of ambitions for achievement of the impossible “.
The President of the Republic in his letter refers to the “concerns” raised by the Turkish side and cites examples. “On the issue of a positive vote in the Council of Ministers, which you constantly refer to, I would like to emphasize once again that I have never denied the existence of such a provision if a proposal to the Council could adversely affect the vital interests of either the community or the state component. Of course, it goes without saying that there should be an effective deadlock mechanism. ” He cites UN Security Council Resolution 716, which incorporates the components of political equality.
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The 2014 agreement
With regard to the 2014 agreement, the President reminded Tatar of the following:
Among other things, it was agreed:
Union in whole or in part with any other country or any form of division or secession or any other unilateral change in the state of affairs is prohibited.
The two constituent states will have equal political status and defined administrative boundaries which will govern autonomously.
The constituent states will exercise all and all their powers irrevocably, free from the encroachment of the federal government. Federal laws will not violate the laws of the constituent states within the jurisdiction of the constituent states, and the laws of the constituent states will not violate federal laws within the jurisdiction of the federal government.
No to claim power or jurisdiction over the other.
The federal constitution will also provide for the remaining powers to be exercised by the constituent states.
Each constituent state has the right to lay down specific criteria for the acquisition of its national citizenship. Regulation of the exercise of the voting rights of those citizens of the State who choose a place of residence or settle and practice a profession or profession in the constituent state in which they do not hold the status of internal citizenship.
& nbsp; Cyprus is and will remain post-settlement EU Member State, a capacity that fully guarantees and protects the unrestricted enjoyment of the fundamental freedoms and human rights of all Cypriots.
Effective participation in the Federal Government by the two communities, with specific clauses, so that neither community can claim power or jurisdiction over the other. He further referred to the convergences reached by the negotiations and stated that in order to overcome any other concerns, justified or not, that the Turkish Cypriot side might have, “I have proposed the decentralization of the exercise of powers at the federal level and the assigned to the component states. the administrative exercise of federal responsibilities. With this proposal, on the one hand, each constituent state, within its administrative area and in accordance with the principles of non-encroachment, subsidiarity and proximity, will enjoy extensive administrative autonomy, while, on the other hand, through the reduction of the responsibilities of the Central Government, we would minimize disruption to the daily lives of citizens of both communities, thus reducing the chances of friction. In addition, the people of Cyprus will feel more comfortable with such an arrangement, as there will be appropriate provisions so that the Turkish Cypriot community does not feel dominated by the larger community, while at the same time the Greek Cypriots will not feel hostage. in the interests of the Turkish Cypriot side through the provision that any decision of any body/institution will require a positive vote “. & nbsp;
The proposal for the MOE
(a) Varosia – Tympou Airport: The fenced area of Varosia and access to it, in accordance with the relevant provisions of Security Council Resolutions 550 (1984) and 789 (1992), shall be transferred to the United Nations administration in order to timely return to the area of its legal residents under safe conditions as soon as possible. At the same time, Tympus Airport will also be administered by the United Nations and operate in full compliance with relevant rules of international law, including the 1944 Chicago Convention and the 1960 Establishment Treaty. to reiterate that there is a single and indivisible Flight Information Area in Cyprus (Nicosia FIR).
(b) Port of Famagusta – Ankara Protocol: Practical arrangements for trade through the port of Famagusta will be agreed, in accordance with Protocol no. 10 for Cyprus in the 2003 Act of Accession to the EU. These transactions will be managed by the European Commission. Turkey will lift its restrictions on Cyprus and will fully and non-discriminatory implement the Additional Protocol to the Association Agreement with Cyprus, thus allowing, inter alia, access to Cypriot-flagged ships in Turkish ports and the opening of its territory.
(c) I have reiterated in the strongest terms that it is not our intention to usurp, not a single drop of hydrocarbons, not a penny of any possible income, from which our compatriots are rightfully entitled. & nbsp;
That is why I recalled my proposal that when and if the exploitation of hydrocarbons begins, even without a settlement of the Cyprus problem, to deposit the proceeds collected in a guarantee account for the benefit of the Turkish Cypriot community, according to the population/citizens. percentage of future state components.
Of course, such an arrangement could only apply if an Exclusive Economic Zone/Continental Shelf Demarcation Agreement is reached between Cyprus and Turkey, also taking into account that Turkey's current claims deprive not only Greek Cypriots but also a large part of Turkish Cypriots. Exclusive Economic Zone of the island “.
The President of the Republic considers that with what he proposes and continuing from there, which have stopped in Crans Montana, an agreement could be reached or even the differences can be bridged. & Nbsp;
“I address myself as a compatriot”
In his 6-page letter, the President of the Republic addresses the occupation leader, addressing him as “Dear Ersin”. At the beginning of the letter he states that despite his capacity as President of the Republic, he addresses this letter as a compatriot to share some suggestions with him. He also referred to the events in Ukraine, noting that in addition to the shock they caused, they also confirmed the catastrophic consequences of the choice of war over diplomacy, inaction instead of initiative, suspicion over trust. The President has sent similar letters to the UN Secretary-General, the President of the European Commission, the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council and elsewhere.
The entire letter from Anastasiadis to Tatar
Despite my capacity as President of the Republic of Cyprus, I address this letter as your compatriot to share with you some proposals that I believe will contribute positively to the efforts to resolve the Cyprus issue in conditions of peaceful coexistence for our people.
I have no doubt that the recent tragic events in Ukraine, in addition to the shock they have caused, have at the same time confirmed the catastrophic consequences of the choice of war over diplomacy, inaction instead of initiative, suspicion versus trust. p>
As I am sure you fully share with me, the status quo and the departure from the High Level Agreements and the UN Resolutions will not lead to a permanent solution but will also perpetuate the problems faced today by both Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots. p>
At the same time, the current situation will continue to cause trials in Turkey-Greece relations, but also in Turkey-EU.
Dear Ersin,
I am fully aware that as a result of the events of the past there has been a growing distrust and a sense of insecurity on the part of the Greek Cypriots towards the final intentions of Turkey and on the part of the Turkish Cypriots that the intentions of the Greek Cypriots are to control the whole country. rejecting political equality and the distribution of power.
However, I am of the strong opinion that if we remain focused and trapped in the past, we will find that we have lost the future. Historical events are well known, as are the hardships they have caused in both communities.
& nbsp; That is why it is our duty, instead of constantly invoking the past and reinforcing distrust, to see how we work together to to deal creatively with the concerns of both communities.
& nbsp; The Republic of Cyprus was established by the 1960 Constitution, with full respect for the rights of the Turkish Cypriot community.
Respect for this fundamental principle has never been abandoned by us, even after the tragic events of 1974, as evidenced by the Makari-Denktash High Level Agreement, the respective United Nations Resolutions, and the negotiations that have followed since then./p>
& nbsp; Agreements, Resolutions and Convergences that clearly state that the basis of the solution to be reached is the transformation of the Republic of Cyprus into a Federal State that will address the concerns and guarantee the rights of Greek Cypriots and.
& nbsp; An important development in the course of the Cyprus problem was the country's accession to the EU. A historic event for both communities as one of the EU's most fundamental principles and values is the full guarantee of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
& nbsp; On this basis, on February 11, 2014, after intensive consultations with Mr. Eroglou, we reached an agreement on a Joint Declaration through which we effectively address the concerns of both communities.
& nbsp; At this point I would like to remind you that, among other things, it was agreed:
Union in whole or in part with any other country or any form of division or secession or any other unilateral change in the state of affairs is prohibited.
The two constituent states will have equal political status and defined administrative boundaries which will govern autonomously. & Nbsp; The constituent states will exercise all and all their powers irrevocably, free from the encroachment of the federal government. Federal laws will not violate the laws of the constituent states within the jurisdiction of the constituent states, and the laws of the constituent states will not violate federal laws within the jurisdiction of the federal government. Neither side can claim power or jurisdiction over the other. The federal constitution will also provide for the remaining powers to be exercised by the constituent states. Each constituent state has the right to lay down specific criteria for the acquisition of its national citizenship. Regulation of the exercise of the voting rights of those citizens of the State who choose a place of residence or settle and practice a profession or profession in the constituent state in which they do not hold the status of internal citizenship. & nbsp; Cyprus is and will remain an EU Member State after the settlement, a capability that fully ensures and protects the unrestricted enjoyment of the fundamental freedoms and human rights of all Cypriots. Effective participation in the Federal Government by the two communities, with specific clauses, so that neither community can claim power or jurisdiction over the other.
& nbsp; Following this joint statement, negotiations with your two predecessors continued, achieving significant convergences in significant chapters for both communities, including territorial adjustments, and the issue of effective participation was deemed to have been resolved, if also taken into account the fact that the composition and decision-making of the Judiciary and the Legislature, as well as the composition of the Executive had not been agreed. This was reminded by the UN Secretary General in his Report of September 28, 2017, after the events in Crans Montana.
In paragraph 20, he said: institutions, as well as the federal executive, ie if there were a rotating presidency. “
& nbsp; While in paragraph 27, and I quote again: “by the end of the Conference, the parties had effectively resolved the key issue of effective participation.”
& nbsp; Dear Ersin,
& nbsp; On the issue of the affirmative vote in the Council of Ministers, which you constantly refer to, I would like to emphasize once again that I have never denied the existence of such a provision if a proposal to the Council could adversely affect either its vital interests or its community or state component. Of course, it goes without saying that there must be an effective deadlock mechanism.
& nbsp; This is also in line with UN Security Council Resolution 716 of 1991, which incorporates the components of political equality, and I quote:
& nbsp; “While political equality does not mean equal numerical participation in all sectors and the administration of the federal government, it should be reflected in various ways, including: the requirement to approve or amend the federal constitution of the state of Cyprus in accordance with opinion of both communities. the effective participation of both communities in all the organs and decisions of the federal government; States ».
Dear Ersin,
I believe that the above parameters, if analyzed objectively, are more than adequately met through the joint declaration of February 2014 and the convergences achieved since then, also taking into account that over the years the negotiations have led to a balanced distribution of federal level and self-government at the level of constituent states, with strong cooperation mechanisms and a guarantee of non-infringement. And I want to emphasize that the Greek Cypriot side has accepted such long-term arrangements to dispel any fears of a monopoly of power from the more populous community.
In addition, it should also be borne in mind that in order to overcome any other concerns, justified or not, that the Turkish Cypriot side might have, I have proposed decentralizing the exercise of powers at the federal level and delegating them to the constituent states. the administrative exercise of federal responsibilities. With this proposal, on the one hand, each constituent state, within its administrative area and in accordance with the principles of non-encroachment, subsidiarity and proximity, will enjoy extensive administrative autonomy, while, on the other hand, through the reduction of the responsibilities of the Central Government, we would minimize disruption to the daily lives of citizens of both communities, thus reducing the chances of friction. In addition, the people of Cyprus will feel more comfortable with such an arrangement, as there will be appropriate provisions so that the Turkish Cypriot community does not feel dominated by the larger community, while at the same time the Greek Cypriots will not feel hostage. in the interests of the Turkish Cypriot side by anticipating that a positive vote will be required for any decision of any body/institution.
In this regard, our side has prepared a relevant document which we would be willing to discuss in detail as soon as resume the negotiation process.
Dear Ersin,
I believe that it is not in anyone's interest for the status quo to remain as it is. That is why we must accelerate our efforts in order to reach a settlement that will reunite our country, at the same time ending the feeling of isolation of the Turkish Cypriot side. That is why, on 31 December 2020, I submitted new proposals to the UN Secretary-General for the adoption of bold Confidence-Building Measures, which on the one hand will address the current problems facing the Turkish Cypriot community and on the other hand will be considered game-changers. , namely:
(a) Varosia – Tympou Airport: The fenced area of Varosia and access to it, in accordance with the relevant provisions of Security Council Resolutions 550 (1984) and 789 (1992), are transferable to the United Nations Administration to enable the timely return to the area of its legal residents under secure conditions as soon as possible.
& nbsp; At the same time, Typo Airport will also be administered by the United Nations and operate in full compliance with the relevant rules of international law, including the 1944 Chicago Convention and the 1960 Establishment Treaty.
In this context, it is necessary to reiterate that there is a single and indivisible Flight Information Area in Cyprus (Nicosia FIR).
(b) Port of Famagusta – Ankara Protocol: Practical arrangements for trade through the port of Famagusta will be agreed, in accordance with Protocol no. 10 for Cyprus in the 2003 Act of Accession to the EU. These transactions will be managed by the European Commission.
& nbsp; Turkey will lift its restrictions on Cyprus and fully and without discrimination implement the Additional Protocol of the Association Agreement to Cyprus, thus allowing, inter alia, access to Cypriot-flagged ships in Turkish ports and the opening of its territory.
& nbsp; (c) I reiterated in the strongest terms that it is not our intention to usurp, not a single drop of hydrocarbons, not a penny of any possible income, from which our compatriots are rightfully entitled.
& nbsp; That is why I recalled my proposal that when and if the exploitation of hydrocarbons begins, even without a settlement of the Cyprus problem, to deposit the revenues collected in a guarantee account for the benefit of the Turkish Cypriot community, according to the population/citizens. Of course, such an arrangement could only apply if an Exclusive Economic Zone/Continental Shelf Agreement was reached between Cyprus and Turkey, also taking into account that Turkey's current claims , not only by the Greek Cypriots but also by the Turkish Cypriots, a large part of the Exclusive Economic Zone of the island.
& nbsp; Dear Ersin,
& nbsp; I referred in detail to the concerns of the Turkish Cypriot side, in order to show that – based on the established parameters of the UN, the convergences so far and the proposals submitted by the Greek Cypriot side either in Crans Montana or for MOE – we can provide solutions and the answers not only to your worries, but also to the lack of trust due to the events of the past.
(It is also my strong belief that we must negotiate within what is possible and realistic and not at what is desired, but impossible to achieve. And I am talking, of course, about new ideas that are emerging, such as the two-state solution or the “Sovereign equality”, which not only deviate from the parameters of the UN and the mandate of the Secretary-General, but also fall into the last category of ambitions to achieve the impossible).
Dear Ersin,
That is why I will agree with the Secretary-General's comments, according to his letter of 26 October 2020, that the resumption of talks should be based on the existing working body and that the best way forward is with the return to negotiations and the forging of a lasting settlement in accordance with the parameters of the United Nations, as defined in relevant Security Council resolutions and from the point of suspension in Crans Montana.
& nbsp; I have no doubt that if we negotiate according to this approach and commit ourselves constructively and in a spirit of goodwill, we will be able to reach an agreement or at least bridge the differences in terms of moving forward in order to achieve a lasting and a sustainable settlement that addresses the legitimate sensitivities and concerns of both communities.
& nbsp; This will lead to a win-win situation by ensuring security conditions, with full respect, I repeat, for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all Cypriots, Greeks and Turks.
A settlement that will promote regional peace, security, predictability and will transform a united Cyprus into an exemplary model of a prosperous, just and peaceful society in our troubled common neighborhood. the eastern Mediterranean.
& nbsp; A settlement that will create a new era of friendship between Cyprus and Turkey, as well as Greece and Turkey. with positive implications for EU-Turkey relations and the overall EU security and energy architecture
& nbsp; A settlement that offers a glimmer of hope that even the most difficult problems can be solved through the United States Nations and the relevant Security Council resolutions.
I have no doubt that you share the above vision for our common country and to this end I hope that you will respond positively to my invitation to start a productive dialogue
